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Putting an end to the "dialogue of the deaf" between Romania and Russia? Struggling with the past, reshaping the future (Şerban F. CIOCULESCU)
The anti-communist revolution of 1989 in Romania represented a turning point for the Russian-Romanian relations because in the following years Russia withdrew more to the East, after its imperial disintegration, while Romania gradually moved closer to the West and prepared its integration within it. In the first section of this study, the author reviews the specific elements of the Russian and Romanian foreign policies after 1991, focusing on the main events. Then he identifies some recurrent pattern of interactive behavior in the Russian-Romanian relationship. The second part of the study features a Foreign Policy Analysis of the two countries, because only the theoretical approach can give a coherent meaning to the raw facts. The author argues the main factors explaining the predominantly negative stance of the Russian-Romanian relations originate mostly in the psycho-cognitive features of the Russian and Romanian post-communist leaders, with the foreign and security policy bureaucracies in both states playing the role of conservative structures. But these countries are not doomed to live in a perpetual tension. The most likely paths of cooperation and harmony between Romania and Russia will be trade, cultural exchanges, the protection of the environment. The main points of discord will likely regard the access to energy, the position towards the internationalization of the Black Sea and the EU-NATO expansion to the East, the fate of the Republic of Moldova and the US military bases and missiles shield on Romanian territory.
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Humanitarian Intervention, Sovereignity and the UN Charter in the International Liberal Order 3.0 (Alexandru LUCINESCU)After the end of the Cold War, humanitarian intervention became an important topic and called into question the traditional (Westphalian) sovereignty. According to John Ikenberry this fact favoures the emergence of a third (3.0) liberal international order. In this paper I explain why humanitarian intervention conflicts with the Westphalian sovereignty but not with the sovereignty as responsibility and I argue that the UN Charter is compatible with a liberal international order because it protects this latter type of sovereignty. Moreover I contend that an international order cannot be a liberal one if it accepts the Westphalian sovereignty so that if the international order 3.0 would be established it could be, in fact, the first liberal international order. Committee System Development in Eastern European Legislatures: the case of Ukraine ( Irina KHMELKO, Victor PIGENKO)New democratic parliaments in the former Soviet countries have been and remain important actors in the process of democratic transition and consolidation in the region. These parliaments had to develop new organizational structures to perform new functions and to deal with challenges presented by the processes of democratic transition and consolidation. Building a new committee system that can operate in a new multi-party environment has been among the main aspects of this transformation. This paper addresses the question of what drives the development of committee systems. Findings contribute to our understanding of why some legislatures organize around temporary ad hoc committees, while others decide to establish standing committees that span multiple legislative convocations. This study demonstrates that electoral factors as well as the characteristics of legislative-executive relations drive committee development in a developing legislature. Specifically, the electoral system, the time that deputies consider important to allocate for work on plenary and organizations, as well as the degree and the level of conflict in legislative-executive relations influence committee development. This study further points that distributional, informational, and partisan theoretical perspectives provide useful insights into committee development. |
Towards a welfare research framework in the countries of Eastern Partnership Initiative (Alexi GUGUSHVILI)The Eastern Partnership (EaP) initiative is a European Union (EU) project aiming to advance socioeconomic development in Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine. To date, virtually no research has been done on comparative welfare systems in these countries. This paper aims to narrow this gap. It is argued here that the comparative welfare state approach for the Central and Eastern European and Baltic Post-Communist countries is not appropriate for the selected region, since weak democratic institutions and economic underperformance contradict the primary foundations of the welfare state. The paper instead considers a welfare regime paradigm developed for less advanced nations. The empirical part of the study is based on the hierarchical and kmeans clustering method to analyse different welfare outcome and welfare effort indicators and on binomial logistic regression technique to analyse public attitudes towards welfare. The results of the study indicate that the welfare outcomes in EaP countries can be clustered into three distinct groups, but that using conventional welfare state variables, such as the total government outlay on welfare programmes, and welfare attitudes cannot explain the systematic determinants of varying welfare performance among the countries. It appears that employing the welfare regime framework, which more vividly takes into account the domestic and international activities of state, market and household, can increase the robustness of welfare research of the strategies employed by EaP countries to address their social risks. Nevertheless, the problems with data availability and reliability might restrict the comparative research framework to only a few specific social welfare dimensions. The Sino-Albanian Entente (Michelle DEFREESE)Throughout the history of Albania’s foreign relations, perhaps no other bilateral alliance is more curious in nature than the Sino-Albanian entente. It was spurred by two leaders who have profoundly impacted and shaped the history of their perspective countries: Mao ZeDong leader of the Communist movement in China and Enver Hoxha, leader of Albania from the end of the second world war until 1985. Each political figure provided the impetus and philosophy for the formation of two subdivisions of political thought: Maoism and the lesser known Hoxhaism. This unlikely alliance was initially characterized by shared ideology and mutual interests. Conversely, the entente between the two distant countries was also marked by a stark contrast in size, resources, and political might. This paper endeavors to examine the nature of the alliance and directly juxtapose arguments which purport the advantages and disadvantages of the relationship between the two countries. Although the alliance was short-lived, the momentary entente between China and Albania continues to shape the development of international relations to the present day.
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